Gennady Moskal: biography of the politician with three surnames

Gennady Moskal, whose biography is full of secrets and outrageous antics, is one of the brightest politicians in modern Ukraine. An intricate political fate and many posts give him an extraordinary personality, and his impulsiveness and soldier's straightforwardness cause contradictory assessments. A wrestler with corruption and patron of bandits, an excellent administrator and a rude official, an ardent nationalist and supporter of the autonomy of the Tatars - all these characteristics were received by one person, Moskal Gennady Gennadievich.

Biography

He was born in the village of Zadubrovka in the Chernivtsi region on December 11, 1950 in an international family: the Ukrainians Moskal Stepani Pavlovna and Tatar Gaifullin Gennady Khadeevich. And immediately began a mysterious story of the name of the future politician.

Gennady Moskal himself, whose biography for journalists has become a tasty morsel, says that two years before his father's death he had his name, which was then replaced by the maternal, apparently for security reasons. After all, not even seven years have passed since the mass deportation of the Tatars, accused of aiding the Germans in the Crimea. To the Tatars were suspicious, if not hostile, so the change of name seemed reasonable.

In 1966, having finished eight school classes, Gennady entered the railway technical school, graduated in 1970 and immediately went to work in Ternopil as an inspector in a carload farm, where he worked until 1973 with a break for two years of military service.

Service in the bodies

But the growth opportunities and the position of the road cadre did not correspond to the energy and ambitions of Moskal. In 1973, he moved to Chernivtsi and got a job in the Criminal Investigation Department, while at the same time studying with the service in the Higher Police School, which he graduated with in 1980 in the rank of lieutenant.

The career career of a capable inspector went up the hill, together with her personal life was improving. In November 1977, he married Orisa Linska and took her surname. Journalists found not only copies, but also original documents from the registry office, confirming this fact. Under Linsky, he was recorded in the birth certificate of Irina's only daughter.

Motives for the deed could not be found out, but there is a version that the politician still has two passports for different surnames. It is not surprising that Gennady Moskal himself rejects all this. The biography and business of a public person is completely in the palm of the public, especially for a politician of a similar fact - a blow to the reputation. Moskal tried through the court to refute the results of the "false" investigation, but in 2013 the Chernovtsy court refused him. Then the Maidan began, and the story of the three surnames of the politician was safely forgotten.

From the inspector to the governor

Moskal confidently walked the career ladder, differing in working capacity and zeal. In 1978 he was a senior inspector of the Chernivtsi Department of Internal Affairs. In 1984 - deputy head of the ROVD, in 1986 - head of the criminal investigation department of the regional executive committee Chernivtsi, in 1992 - head of the criminal police of the region. In 1995, Gennady Gennadievich moved to neighboring Uzhgorod to lead the police of the Transcarpathian region.

And in 1997 he became the head of the GU MVD in the Crimea. Here there were first loud scandals, and the public opinion was divided. For some Moskal became a threat of organized crime, others outraged his connections with the leaders of gangs. The authorities highly assessed the steep methods and results of the main Crimean militiaman. In 2000, Moskal led the next regional police department, now in Dnepropetrovsk.

The Governorship and the Parliament

In June 2001, Gennady Moskal, whose biography made the second big zigzag, became the governor of the familiar Zakarpattya region. Thus begins his ambiguous and vivid political career. The first short-lived governorship was remembered by the conflicts with the Rusyns and the resolute rejection of their conversations about autonomy.

Since September 2002 he headed the State Committee for Nationalities and Migration for three years and especially remembered the initiative to create a full-fledged Autonomy of the Tatars in the Crimea. It was strange to hear from the fierce enemy of separatism Transcarpathian Ruthenians. One of the explanations was the version that Gennady Moskal, whose biography and nationality have Tatar roots, shows loyalty to the Tatars in memory of his father.

Interestingly, at the same time Moskal became a supporter of the future "orange" president - Yushchenko, in the camp of which there were the main Tatar nationalists, the leaders of Mejlis. In the winter of 2005, Yushchenko first appointed Gennady Gennadievich the head of the Kiev criminal police, where his boss was Yuri Lutsenko, and in November this year - the governor of the Lugansk region. Moskal, in his characteristic tough manner, defended Yushchenko's interests, but after a deafening victory in the local elections of Communists and Regions in 2006 he asked for resignation.

During the year he visited several important state posts: representing the interests of the president in the Crimea, deputy head of the SBU and deputy secretary of the National Security Service of the country. And in the autumn of 2007 Moskal successfully passed parliamentary elections from the party "People's Self-Defense", created by Yu. Lutsenko. In the next parliamentary elections in 2012 he receives a deputy seat from the Yatsenyuk party - Front Zmin, which joins the Timoshenko Bloc.

Euromaidan is a matter of snipers

During the events of EuroMaidan, Gennady Moskal, whose biography came to a new page, is an oppositionist, a deputy and chairman of the parliamentary commission that was investigating the murders on the Maidan. The investigation quickly yielded the result: they accused snipers from the special services and Yanukovych. Western politicians fervently supported such a verdict, and Moskal earned many political points.

Therefore, its appointment as the governor of the Lugansk region, already flaming in the military conflict, seems logical. It happened on September 18, 2014. Moskal immediately began to take drastic measures in the fight against separatism, in every possible way supporting the volunteer battalions. But after their obvious atrocities against innocent civilians, the governor attacked them with criticism. Also Moskal became famous for the idea of a blockade of rebel territories. He came to the post as a savior in a critical situation, but left, quarreling with everyone.

July 15, 2015, once again became the governor of the almost native Transcarpathian region, holds this position to this day.